In our last episode, we saw a quick AMUSE tag on Lincoln. A few days later I saw this, a little further up Lincoln, by Ainsle:

AMUSE, Truck throwee, Lincoln and Ainsle
In this context, I don’t want to talk about styles or ups, but literacies. It strikes me that a non-writer would have a hard time connecting this throwee with the tag we saw earlier, or identifying it as the work of the same writer. But I saw it immediately. So, what literacies are necessary to draw that connection?
First, you have to see both, as a pure matter of attention. In urban settings, graffiti is such an element of the built environment that it can simply elude attention. As we pulled up to this intersection, it would be very easy for she simply not to see this truck; it doesn’t hit the attention threshold. I covered this point a bit earlier in the series, when discussing BESTER’s tag on the Happy Land Social Club. Graffiti writers develop different attention mechanisms to their environment. Not better, of course. People who are very into cars have different attention mechanisms, as do people who are into fashion or food (attention is always intentional in this sense). But the first thing you need to draw the connection is a different attention pattern—you have to first notice the marks at all. Second, you need a capacity to read the letters as letters. In the case of the AMUSE tag, it’s probably easier to read the letters as letters, which is to say, to recognize the A, the M, the U, etc. In the case of this throwee, it’s likely more difficult to recognize the A and the M, as they’re more stylized. So, these are the obvious points: you’d have to first notice them at all, then you’d have to be able to read the letters. But you’d still, at that point, be left with AMUSE on the one hand, and AM (really am, since the A is lowercase on the truck) on the other.
In order to move on from that point, you’d need to know a variety of conventions that are manifested here. First, you’d need to know that writers often abbreviate their tags for different kinds of purposes, especially if their tags are longer. In this case, a simple AM fits better on the back of the truck than would a full “AMUSE.” Second, you’d have to know that writers often include a number after their tags, and usually the number “1” to indicate that they are the first person with this tag. So, you will often see things like KREL1, or KREL ONE, or KREL ONEZ, or KREL UNO, and other variations. (This convention, in fact, leads to other transformations, such as writers using other numbers, even if they don’t signify that there have been previous writers with the same tag; in other words, the higher number just looks or sounds interesting, but has no ordinal meaning, like, say, KREL5, where there weren’t four previous KRELs). In AMUSE’s case, he uses a Roman numeral one (an uppercase “i” flanked by dots) that appears underneath the tag: AMUSE I. Third, you’d have to know that one of the ways writers stylize letters is to use symbols and other variations to indicate the interior space in the letterform (what typographers call the “counter”). In this case, AMUSE used the same Roman numeral one as the counter for his lowercase “a.” You can see it inside the round area of the first letter (if you can see the first letter!).
So, summarizing this literacy, you have to notice it, recognize the letters, and understand at least these three conventions (abbreviation, numeration, stylization). What strikes me here, as in all literacies, is how instantaneous it is if you have these forms, and how inscrutable it is if you don’t. It probably took me less than a second to process all this in real time: as soon as I saw this throwee, I thought, “Hey, there’s that kid AMUSE again…I just put one of his tags on the blog.” No lag time.
Of course, this is a well-understood and now nearly trivial point when it comes to literacies. There are a multitude of informal literacies that everybody walks around with, and these are, at some level, a material politics. Our multiple literacies, to put it another way, are precisely the unpredictable factors that allow us to maintain difference in a common space (or time)—we switch on and off from seeing (or hearing, or other modes of perception and thought) that common world and what could be called that exit world, and the character of those switches both speaks to and intensifies our various investments. We already know this for language literacies (say, code switching and the like—which also shows us that the “common” and the “exit” worlds are relative, like figure and ground), but it’s really a useful framework for me when I expand it beyond language. This may be the more generous reading that I didn’t give Cintron’s work on gang graffiti the first time out, though I still have a problem with thinking that “translation” of these literacies is politically innocent. When I do it here, as above, the point is rather to demonstrate that the perception itself can’t be translated as perception, even if its features can be explained (in a linguistic mode, the studium).
So, why all this painful blathering? When I presented a very abbreviated version of the Graffiti Fridays series as a conference talk some month ago, I got the usual and predictable responses: isn’t it really about a politics I’d be able to recognize (i.e., a “protest” against gentrification, and similar urban concerns), and wouldn’t it be better and even more political in a museum, where people would have to confront its strangeness and account for it (by understanding it)? It was interesting to me that both these objections came from people who kinda proudly wear a “left radical” tag on their sleeves. No, I said. Those are both modes of normalizing this practice—as I’ve said here numerous times: politicizing and aestheticizing. Of course, what I really mean (at least in part) is that both are modes of erasing or devaluing the political and aesthetic investments inherent in those exit literacies. What both desire is for that exit literacy to become common.
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